U.S. President Barack Obama hosts Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Friday, for what could be a tense meeting after Netanyahu sharply criticized the president's remarks about proposed Israeli borders.
In a major Middle East policy speech on Thursday, Obama said the borders of Israel should be based on the lines that existed before the 1967 Six-Day War, with mutually agreed swaps with the Palestinians, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states.
However, Netanyahu rejected Obama's remarks, saying the 1967 lines would be "indefensible" for Israel. He said an Israeli withdrawal from some of the areas gained during the war would result in leaving major Jewish settlements in the West Bank outside of Israel.
Israel says, in Friday's meeting, Netanyahu expects to hear a reaffirmation of U.S. commitments made to Israel in 2004, when former President George W. Bush said Israel should not be forced to withdraw to the pre-1967 lines.
Bush also said any deal should reflect "existing major Israeli population centers" - a reference to the largest Jewish settlements in the West Bank built after the 1967 war.
Palestinians welcomed Obama's efforts to renew the peace talks with Israel that stalled last September. An aide says Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has called an emergency meeting to discuss Obama's remarks.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged Netanyahu and Abbas to respond as "statesmen and peacemakers" to Obama's speech. Ban said Thursday he hoped all sides would renew their determination to achieve a peace deal.
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President Barack Obama says lasting peace between Israel and the Palestinians must be based on two states, with Israel in its 1967 borders, with conditions. In a major speech on U.S /Mideast policy, the president prodded both sides to return to negotiations.
Obama has endorsed a key Palestinian demand that a Palestinian state should be based on borders as they existed before the 1967 Six-Day War.
"The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states."
A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the U.S. policy shift "indefensible." Obama hosts the Israeli leader at the White House on Friday, in what is sure to be a contentious meeting.
The president is also scheduled to speak Sunday to the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, the nation's largest pro-Israel lobbying organization.
Meanwhile, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is seeking urgent consultations with Arab leaders regarding Obama's address.
The president devoted the final portion of his 46-minute speech to the continuing failure to advance the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, which have been stalled since last September.
"Now, ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them - not by the United States, not by anybody else. But endless delay will not make the problem go away."
The president had blunt talk for both sides. He warned the Palestinians that what he called "efforts to delegitimize Israel" would end in failure. And Obama cautioned the status quo is unsustainable and Israel must also act boldly to advance the peace process.
He said that what he called "the wrenching and emotional issues of the future of Jerusalem and the fate of Palestinian refugees" still wait to be resolved.
"But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians."
The president also acknowledged the complication presented recently by the unification of the Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas. The United States and Israel consider Hamas to be a terrorist organization.
"How can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist? In the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse."
After the speech, Hamas accused Obama of deception and favoritism toward Israel.
U.S. Mideast envoy George Mitchell, whose resignation takes effect Friday, was among those attending the president's speech at the State Department.
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NATO says it hit eight warships used by forces loyal to Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi in a series of airstrikes that started late Thursday.
A NATO statement says the vessels that were targeted were in the ports of Tripoli, Sirte and Al Khums. An alliance official - Libyan operations Deputy Commander Rear Admiral Russell Harding - says NATO had "no choice but to take decisive action" after pro-Gadhafi forces carried out mining operations and escalated their use of maritime force.
Witnesses said they heard explosions and saw smoke rising from Tripoli's seaport.
Earlier Thursday, NATO said its airstrikes had significantly degraded pro-government forces. Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen predicted sustained military and political pressure -- along with opposition support - would lead to the collapse of Gadhafi's regime.
Elsewhere, pro-government forces shelled rebel fighters in a mountainous region southwest of Tripoli. The two sides seem to be struggling for control of roads that lead to the Libyan capital, a stronghold of Gadhafi.
Some information for this report was provided by AFP and Reuters.
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A New York City judge has granted bail to Dominique Strauss-Kahn as the former International Monetary Fund chief awaits arraignment and trial on charges of sexual assault. He is accused of attacking a maid in a New York hotel.
Judge Michael Obus set Dominique Strauss-Kahn's bail at $1 million, plus a $5 million bond secured against a family home. The court had denied an earlier request for bail. In addition, Strauss-Kahn must submit to electronic surveillance. A private security firm will provide armed guards to prevent possible flight. He will stay with his wife in a New York apartment.
"We're very relieved. We're very happy. We can now focus on some other aspects of the case," said Defense attorney William Taylor.
Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance, Jr. said a grand jury has returned a seven count indictment against Strauss-Kahn based on evidence provided by New York authorities.
"Under American law, these are extremely serious charges. Based on the grand jury's determination, the evidence supports the commission of non-consensual, forced sexual acts. The defendant was indicted on all of the charges presented to the grand jury," Vance said.
Those charges include a criminal sexual act and attempted rape. Strauss-Kahn denies the allegations. His supporters in France say he is the victim of character assassination by political opponents to preclude his candidacy for the presidency of his native France.
Strauss-Kahn resigned his IMF position late Wednesday, saying he wants to devote all of his energy to proving his innocence. His deputy, John Lipsky, an American, will serve as acting managing IMF director. But European countries are competing against fast growing economies elsewhere to name a permanent successor.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel says developing economies have a legitimate claim, but only in the medium term. "In the present situation, when we have significant problems with the euro and the IMF is very much involved there, there are arguments to propose a European candidate and support him in the international community," she said.
China's position on a successor coincides with that of countries such as Brazil and South Africa. "We have always believed that the IMF should continue to push forward for reform, and should choose a better senior official of the IMF based on fairness and transparency. In principle we believe developing countries should be better represented at senior levels," said Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu.
Strauss-Kahn's arraignment is set for June 6. He faces as much as 25 years in prison if convicted.
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President Barack Obama has delivered a major address focusing on the situation in the Arab world. Our correspondent looks at a key issue - the search for a lasting peace in that region.
Analysts say President Obama's speech was the most comprehensive U.S. statement on the recent uprisings in the Arab world.
Fawaz Gerges, a Middle East expert with the London School of Economics, sees the emergence of an Obama Doctrine.
"President Barack Obama has positioned the United States squarely on the side of the Arab people as opposed to the Arab autocrats and the monarchists," said Gerges. "He talked about self-determination. If there is one particular word that resonates, it is the fact that the president has made it very clear that the United States supports the self-determination of all Arab people."
Regarding the search for a lasting peace in the Middle East, President Obama once again called for negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians for a viable Palestine and a secure Israel.
"The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine," said President Obama. "We believe the borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states."
Gerges says that is the most progressive statement on the Arab-Israeli conflict so far.
"He was very explicit - an independent, sovereign, contiguous, viable Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders - the first time ever an American president delineated that the new Palestinian state will be based on the 1967 borders with some exchange of territories," he said.
Analysts say the Israeli and Palestinian sides have to resolve key issues during negotiations. They include the precise borders of a new Palestinian state, what will be its capital, the return of Palestinian refugees and the question of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories.
Alon Ben-Meir, with New York University, says another key issue to address is the recent reconciliation agreement between Palestinian factions - the moderate Fatah organization and the radical Islamist group Hamas.
"Hamas is an organization that still calls for Israel's destruction and Israel rightfully will say we are not going to negotiate with any entity that is calling for our destruction," said Ben-Meir. "SoHamas and Fatah must sooner or later answer this question: do you want negotiations? If you want negotiations, you have to accept Israel's right to exist. And this is an issue that no one can compromise on. Israel's right to exist is not negotiable."
Analysts agree that the Middle East peace process is at a standstill. They also point out that in his speech, President Obama did not offer any concrete steps to move the process further.
Fawaz Gerges says don't expect any movement anytime soon.
"Even though the president has made one of the most progressive statements on the nature of a Palestinian state, he really left it till his next presidency to deal with the most contentious issues facing the Palestinians and the Israelis," said Gerges.
Alon Ben-Meir says the United States government should work behind the scenes to make sure that on the one hand, all Palestinian factions agree to renounce violence and on the other, that the Israeli government stops the building of settlements in the occupied territories.
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Israel says it will ask President Obama to clarify remarks in his speech Thursday in which he said the future borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines.
President Obama's remarks, during a major address on the Middle East, drew an immediate response from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who issued a statement as he prepared to leave for Washington, where he is to meet Friday with the U.S. leader.
Mr. Obama appeared to upset Israeli leaders by saying the borders of Israel and a future Palestinian state should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed land swaps.
The "1967 lines" reference is to pre-war boundaries before Israel captured the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights in fighting with Jordan, Egypt and Syria.
Israeli foreign ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor says Mr. Netanyahu will ask President Obama for clarification of the remarks.
"The 1967 line was never an international border. It was never recognized as such. It was a cease-fire line with many unclear areas that were considered no-man's land and therefore because of their nature, they are considered an indefensible border," he said.
Palestinian analysts praised Mr. Obama's call for Israel to negotiate a permanent border based on the lines that existed before the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.
Hanna Siniora is a member of the Palestine National Council from East Jerusalem. He said that while he believes Mr. Obama made significant concessions to the Israelis by - among other things - reaffirming a U.S. commitment to Israel's security, emphasizing borders was an important point for the Palestinians.
"We heard all American administrations talk about unshakeable security for Israel. We are not against security for Israel, but we are asking at the same time for security for the Palestinians, and this can only happen if the border between the two states is defined," he said.
Palestinian negotiators have expressed frustration over what they say has been Israel's reluctance to discuss borders.
In his speech, Mr. Obama barely touched on other key issues including the status of Jerusalem and refugees.
Oded Eran, director of the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, says President Obama is pressing Mr. Netanyahu to address the borders issue now.
"He told him that he will not press him on the other issues. But he told him 'Mr. Netanyahu, you have to move on the territorial issue and you have to answer me on this issue,' Eran said.
Israeli officials say Mr. Netanyahu hopes to hear a reaffirmation from President Obama that the United States will adhere to a previous U.S. commitment on the borders issue.
In a 2004 letter, then-President George W. Bush told Israeli leaders it was, in his words, "unrealistic" to expect a return to original armistice lines, given what he said were the new realities on the ground - realities that he said included the existence of Israeli population centers in the West Bank. That is a reference to settlements Israel has built since capturing the territory.
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In a major addresson historic changes in the Middle East and North Africa, President Barack Obama says the United States stands firmly on the side of people protesting for democratic reform and against violence being used by some governments against protesters.
The president's speech, delivered at the State Department, was a combination of carrots and sticks, as he announced new aid to help democracy take root in Egypt and Tunisia, and strongly condemned Syria's president for his crackdown on peaceful protesters.
Saying the United States will speak out for core principles and universal rights, and opposes the use of violence and repression, Obama made clear where the U.S. stands on change in the region.
"We support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region. Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest," he said. "Today I want to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal."
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Syria
On Syria, where more than 850 people have been killed since the beginning of a popular uprising, Obama said the government of President Bashar al-Assad has "chosen the path of murder and mass arrests."
Obama said the Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy, and he said President Assad faces a crucial choice:
"President Assad now has a choice: he can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests; it must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests; it must allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara'a, and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition," said the president.
Iran
Obama used his remarks about Syria, which he said had sought assistance from Iran, to focus on what he called the Iranian government's suppression of its own people. Saying the first peaceful protests were in the streets of Tehran, he said the U.S. continues to support the universal rights of Iran's people.
"We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations," said President Obama.
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Upheaval in region
At the same time, Obama said to be credible the United States must acknowledge that its friends in the region, referring to Yemen and Bahrain, have not reacted to demands for change in a way consistent with core principles opposing violence and supporting universal rights.
On Libya, President Obama said "time is working against" Colonel Moammar Gadhafi, adding that when he "inevitably leaves or is forced from power" a transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.
Obama: 4 Key Pillars in Aid to Mideast, N. Africa
1.Economic management
- Improve economic policy, promote transparency and prevent corruption - Technical assistance from U.S. government, universities and think tanks to NGOs, individuals and regional governments - Mobilize international financial institutions to support home-grown reforms
2.Economic stability
- Relieve Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt and use the money to create jobs and support entrepreneurs - Galvanize financial support for Egypt and Tunisia from international financial institutions and regional neighbors
3.Economic modernization
- Up to $2 billion for private sectors throughout the Middle East, N. Africa - Establish Egyptian-American and Tunisian-American Enterprise Funds to stimulate private sector investment - Support reorientation of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to support countries in the Middle East, N. Africa
4. Trade integration, investment
- Regional U.S. trade and investment partnership initiative - Work with European Union to boost trade within region, promote greater integration with U.S. and European markets and open door for regional trade agreemen
Aid to region
To help democracy take root in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, President Obama announced new initiatives to support economic reform, modernization and investment.
These include debt relief for Egypt, and a U.S. request to the World Bank and IMF for a plan to stabilize and modernize both economies.
Obama linked the wave of upheaval across the region with un-met economic needs. "After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family. Too many in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, and perhaps the hope that their luck will change," he said.
Israel-Palestinian
Saying the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has cast a shadow over the Middle East for decades, President Obama rejected suggestions that sweeping changes in the region make it impossible to break the current impasse.
"I disagree," he said. "At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever."
The president said Israel and a future Palestinian state should be based on pre-1967 borders, with what he called "mutually agreed swaps so secure and recognized borders are established for both states." But he said Palestinians must recognize that efforts to de-legitimize Israel will "end in failure" and that Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection.
Obama called the U.S. commitment to Israel's security unshakeable. "But precisely because of our friendship, it is important that we tell the truth: the status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace," he said.
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Al-qaida, Osama bin-Laden
The president said historic changes in the Middle East and North Africa stand in sharp contrast to the violent ideology of al-Qaida and Osama bin-Laden, who was killed in a U.S raid in Pakistan.
Saying Bin Laden was "no martyr" but a mass murderer who offered a "message of hate" the president said the people of the Middle East and North Africa had already been rejecting the al-Qaida agenda.
"Even before his death, al-Qaida was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al-Qaida's agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had takent their future into their own hands," said Obama.
On Friday, President Obama will be able to gauge Israeli reaction face to face when he sits down with visiting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House for talks on how to revive Mideast peace efforts.
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In his Middle East policy speech, President Barack Obama said Syrian President Bashar al-Assad faces the choice of either leading a democratic transition in his country or getting out of the way. The comment came a day after the U.S. administration imposed sanctions on the Syrian leader and key aides.
President Barack Obama's comments stopped short of an outright demand Syria's leader step down. But the remarks were another sign of diminishing U.S. patience with President Bashar al-Assad, whose reform promises have been contradicted by an ongoing brutal crackdown on protesters.
"The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy," said Obama. "President Assad now has a choice: he can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests, release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests, they must allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Daraa, and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition."
President Obama said Syria has followed its ally Iran and sought assistance from Tehran in what he termed the "tactics of suppression." He said that speaks to the "hypocrisy of the Iranian regime," which he says professes support for the rights of protesters abroad, but suppresses its people at home.
On the eve of President Obama's speech, the administration announced new sanctions on Syria that for the first time directly target President Assad and key advisers.
The measures, which freeze any U.S. assets the Syrians may have and forbid U.S. business dealings with them, may have little immediate effect on al-Assad.
But analysts say the U.S. action has high symbolic value, and could lead to major hardship for the Syrian ruling circle if the European Union, as expected, follows the U.S. lead in expanding sanctions.
Middle East expert Robert Satloff, the executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, says the Obama language is an "important step" toward a flat U.S. demand for Syrian regime change, and says it is highly unlikely that al-Assad will heed calls for reform.
"I think the more powerful message is that the administration has begun what is an almost-inexorable move toward calling on Assad to leave," Satloff explained. "If the administration is indeed serious that the standard for Syria will be reform towards an open, democratic, human-rights-respecting government, or leave, I think it is absolutely improbable that Assad will meet that standard."
Satloff said whether or when U.S. policy moves to a demand for the president to step down depends largely on whether Syrian crowds continue to defy the regime. Satloff added that said by personally targeting Assad in sanctions, the Obama administration may be testing whether the Syrian army or political elite might be inclined turn against the President.
In his address, President Obama said unless the Syrian leader starts a process for democratic transition, "his regime will continue to be challenged from within and isolated abroad."
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Reaction to President Barack Obama's speech on the Middle East has prompted some initial mixed reactions in Egypt. While plans for economic and development aid are being welcomed, hopes for a more consistent stand on regional unrest and a new approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict were largely dashed.
The promise of aid, in the form of debt relief and loan guarantees, is helping allay some fears in Egypt and Tunisia. Popular uprisings in the two nations succeeded in toppling the old governments, but at a cost.
"The economic situation has become very dire, particularly on the financial front. There is a big financing gap and this needs to be closed right away. So I think any amount of money and any opportunity to have access to cash would help this situation immensely," said Magda Kandil, director of the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies.
Both Tunisia and Egypt have been hard hit by a drop in tourist revenue. In Egypt, remittance earnings are down after more than a million of its workers fled the conflict in neighboring Libya. General uncertainty has kept foreign investment at bay and led to hoarding of key commodities at home - all elements that put the chances of a peaceful transition at risk.
Economist Kandil says that the way the economic assistance has been structured will help. "I think the beauty about the debt forgiveness is that it starts in the form of debt swap, which means that the money will not be just loose cash that the government can do whatever it wants to do with it," he said.
She is encouraged that some of the money is slotted for development projects, a key issue, she argues, at this juncture.
The economic part of Mr. Obama's speech appears to be the one aspect that will resonate strongly in the weeks and months to come.
The rest, according to Egyptian publisher and long-time democracy advocate Hisham Kassem, was a profound disappointment.
"He [Obama] reiterated double standards while trying to package it as a support for freedom. But we saw how he made clear that [Libyan leader] Moammar Gadhafi has to leave, and then referring to the actions of the government of Bahrain as 'the rule of law,' enforcing the rule of law - that was the bottom line - no. No, no," Kassen said.
Kassem argues that the unevenness of Mr. Obama's approach to the region extends to Saudi Arabia - like Bahrain, a key ally and a fierce suppressor of government opponents - which the president did not mention at all.
As for the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, there was hope that the U.S. leader would seize this period of dramatic change to take an equally dramatic new approach to the peace process. Washington had tried to dampen such expectations, but again, some sense a missed opportunity.
Publisher Kassem says he had hoped that in the political part of the speech, Mr. Obama would offer something tangible, whether on peace talks, or a tougher stand on Syria. He recalls an earlier effort by the president to reach out to the region, during a 2009 address in Cairo.
"I personally, at the time, in spite of a lot of optimism, thought he said nothing, had no time frames, no concrete plans for anything. And it turned out to be true. And now he's doing more of the same, almost two years later," Kassen said.
The question now may be how much that argument will even matter. The uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East began, as Mr. Obama noted, without U.S. political help. The economic aid, however, could ensure that the successful ones can carry through.
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Witnesses say Syrian troops and tanks have started pulling out of a town near the Lebanese border, one of the latest enclaves to join in a two-month old anti-government uprising.
The witnesses said armored vehicles began leaving Talkalakh Thursday, along with buses filled with troops.
Syrian forces first moved into Talkalakh and the nearby village of Arida Saturday after pro-democracy demonstrators took to the streets in defiance of President Bashar al-Assad.
Syrian rights groups say security forces have killed at least 27 people since the start of the crackdown on Talkalakh. The sounds of gunfire and shelling continued to ring out Thursday, right up until the withdrawal began.
Also Thursday, Syria denounced the latest U.S. sanctions, dismissing them as an effort to serve "Israeli interests."
A statement published by the state news agency (SANA) also said the sanctions will not affect Syria's determination to achieve "comprehensive" reforms.
The United States imposed sanctions on Assad and six of his aides Wednesday, saying it is holding them personally accountable for deadly attacks by Syrian security forces on opposition protesters. Washington also called on the Syrian president to lead a transition to democracy or leave power.
The sanctions include a freeze on U.S.-based assets of President Assad and the other officials and a ban on American citizens and companies from doing business with them. It is not clear what assets will be blocked. The European Union has said it is considering toughening its own sanctions on Syria to include measures against Assad.
Syrian rights activists say more than 850 civilians have been killed across the country since mid-March, when protesters began calling for democratic reforms and Assad's ouster. Authorities have arrested at least 7,000 people as part of the crackdown.
Some information for this report was provided by AP, AFP and Reuters.
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NATO says its airstrikes have significantly degraded pro-government forces in Libya, while supporters of leader Moammar Gadhafi have rallied in the capital.
NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said Thursday that allied forces had significantly hampered Gadhafi's "war machine." He also predicted that sustained military and political pressure along with opposition support would eventually lead to the collapse of Gadhafi's regime.
Meanwhile, about 100 people in Tripoli chanted pro-Gadhafi slogans and honked car horns Thursday, apparently in response to state-news reports that government forces were regaining the rebel-held city of Benghazi. However, there were no independent reports that opposition forces had lost their grip on the eastern city.
In another development, Libyan and Tunisian officials denied reports that Gadhafi's wife and daughter had crossed into Tunisia. Also, Libyan deputy foreign minister Khaled Kaim says reports that Oil Minister Shukri Ghanem had defected to Tunisia are false. He said the minister traveled to Vienna on business.
On Wednesday, International Criminal Court prosecutors warned Libyan officials they could face investigation and prosecution for attempting to cover up crimes committed by Libyan forces in their crackdown against the rebels.
Some information for this report was provided by AP and Reuters.
Al-Qaida has released an audio recording in which its slain leader, Osama bin Laden, praises the protest movements that have swept across the Middle East.
In the 12-minute message posted on Islamist websites, bin Laden purportedly singles out the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, predicting the "winds of change" will spread across the entire Muslim world.
He makes no specific reference to Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen, where pro-democracy supporters have had less success in toppling the government.
In the audio recording Wednesday, bin Laden urges protesters to seize the opportunity to bring down "tyrants." He accuses Arab rulers of making themselves into idols and using the media to maintain power.
The al-Qaida offers advice in spreading the revolutions, urging Muslim youth to consult the more experienced to achieve their goal.
Bin Laden was killed May 2 in a U.S. military raid in the Pakistani city of Abbottabad.
Earlier this week, media reports quoted an analyst and former associate of bin Laden as saying that al-Qaida has chosen an Egyptian special forces officer, Saif al-Adel, as its interim leader.
But a senior U.S. intelligence official, who did not want to be named, dismissed the reports in an interview Thursday with VOA. The official said there is no information indicating that a successor to bin Laden has been named.
Some information for this report was provided by AP, AFP and Reuters.
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Afghan officials say militants have attacked a road construction site in eastern Afghanistan, killing 35 workers and guards.
The attack took place overnight in Paktia province. At least 20 people were wounded when dozens of militants launched their assault in the Waza-e Zadran district, near Pakistan's border.
Afghan officials say eight militants were also killed in the ensuing gunbattle with security guards, which lasted at least two hours.
No group claimed responsibility for the attack, but the head of the Afghan construction company, Noorullah Bidar, blamed the Taliban. He said the assailants also destroyed a number of construction vehicles and other equipment.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai condemned the attack, saying militants do not want to see development in Afghanistan. NATO also condemned the attack.
Meanwhile, the United Nations urged restraint in northern Afghanistan where fresh protests broke out in Takhar province against the killing of four people in a joint NATO-Afghan raid earlier this week.
NATO says the two men and two women killed in the operation were armed insurgents who tried to fire on them. Demonstrators and Afghan officials say the dead were civilians.
The U.N. mission in Afghanistan on Thursday called on all parties to remain calm and take the necessary measures to protect civilians, a day after it said 14 people were killed in demonstrations against the coalition operation in the provincial capital, Taloqan.
On Wednesday, authorities said more than 2,000 demonstrators clashed with police and shouted slogans against the U.S. and Afghan governments.
Several hundred people again took to the streets of Taloqan on Thursday, with some setting fires outside police headquarters.
Police reportedly fired shots in the air to disperse the crowd. At least three people were wounded in the new demonstrations.
In the east, France's defense ministry says an accidental explosion killed one of its soldiers in Kapisa province. The ministry says Wednesday's blast occurred as the soldier and others in the same unit were preparing to board an armored vehicle.
In the northwest, NATO said Wednesday that a three-day joint operation that began May 13 killed more than 60 insurgents near Ghuchghar in Faryab province.
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Astronauts achieved the primary goal of the space shuttle Endeavour's final mission Thursday when they installed an instrument called the Alpha Magnetic Spectrometer on the International Space Station. Scientists have lofty aims for this $2 billion device that will comb through particles in the cosmos. These aims that can best be understood if we look at our own world.
To most people, so-called "normal matter" is really all that matters. Normal matter is anything with atoms - basically, our world. Everything from the person next to you to the car you drive to the fuel in its tank, from the air you breathe to the water you drink to the clothes on your back.
But astronomers estimate that only a fraction of our universe - maybe less than five percent - is made of so-called "normal matter." They say the rest of our universe is made up of mysterious dark energy and dark matter. By their very nature, dark energy and dark matter are not visible, but they can still be detected.
In order to shed some proverbial light on dark energy and dark matter, hundreds of scientists from 16 countries worked to create the Alpha Magnetic Spectrometer, or AMS.
Scientists hope this sophisticated instrument will yield insights into the composition and origins of our universe.
Earlier this week, NASA flight director Gary Horlacher told reporters that this new instrument and the discoveries it is expected to make reminded him of another marvel - the Hubble Space Telescope, which has delivered spectacular images of the universe from its orbit 570 kilometers above the Earth.
"You set up these scientific experiments to go off and look for a certain collection of things you're trying to prove or discover, and you end up learning something that you didn't expect which, you know, the Hubble [Space Telescope] has done that," said Horlacher. "All the great observatories have ended up surprising us. So, not only do we expect great things from AMS, but there is also a high probability we are going to learn quite a bit that we didn't even expect."
The AMS is a sophisticated particle detector that will use a large magnet to create a magnetic field that will bend the path of charged cosmic particles that are traveling through space. It will not capture the particles, but various instruments will automatically provide information about the particles to scientists in 16 countries.
The $2 billion instrument will be operated remotely from Earth. The AMS team will monitor the experiment 24 hours a day for as long as the space station is in orbit.
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A senior United Nations official is warning that Libya is a ticking time bomb and that life-saving assistance is needed, especially in the western part of the country. Little is known about what is happening in Tripoli, the nation's capital and Moammar Gadhafi's stronghold. To find out, VOA's Carolyn Presutti spoke to two opposition leaders - one in Tripoli, secretly via Skype, the other from Benghazi - as she shows us the daring actions activists take in Tripoli to advance their cause.
Libyan rebel troops, training in Benghazi, brazen enough at night to burn an effigy of Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, and emboldened by day to protest.
The rebels have such a tight control on Benghazi that they consider it their capital. And their recent capture of Misrata's airport gives them a fresh cache of arms.
But, that is not the case in Tripoli, the nation's capital. There, the government controls the people, the media, the message. These pro-Gadhafi demonstrations and government-led media tours are what the world sees of Tripoli. No opposition activity. Until now.
In the pictures sent secretly to a VOA e-mail account, these anti-government activists are sewing the flag of the revolution. The banner reads, "We will never forget our martyrs." They are driving to show where it was hung. Just past the telecommunications center, above a busy overpass in Tripoli.
"They are very brave. They're very, very brave," said Waheed Burshan, an opposition leader in Benghazi who recently visited Washington. He went to junior high school along this street in Tripoli, but had never seen this video until we played it for him.
"This is the soul of the whole resistance. Sometimes it takes more courage to do this than to actually take arms," said Burshan.
It's not the first time. These activists have placed their flag in at least three prominent locations in Tripoli over the last three weeks. Their leader describes his group as peaceful, carrying out civil disobedience against Libyan officials. VOA spoke with him via Skype.
"We highlight deficiencies in security, we highlight the fact that despite neighborhoods being under lockdown, you can go out and do something. They are not invincible," said the opposition leader.
Some analysts say this type of protest and its frequency encourages the opposition. Although, Brian Katulis of the Center for American Progress says the rebels need to be better organized.
"Some countries have offered additional support to Libyan rebels and they are finding, that in trying to offer that support, there's no cohesion there. That creates a problem for the end game politically," he said.
But, cohesion is tough in Tripoli. The civil disobedience leader sent us the video of gasoline lines.
The city is running out of fuel and movements are watched by the government. "Mobile phones are heavily monitored. "The Internet is banned. The use of satellite phones is highly illegal. That's what makes it so difficult to organize ourselves," he said.
NATO is pounding Tripoli with airstrikes. With Moammar Gadhafi still in strict control, analysts say the key to freedom is in Libya's capital. And they say, "As Tripoli goes, so goes the nation."
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Thousands of demonstrators are occupying squares in major cities across Spain, protesting high unemployment and lack of opportunities for youth, ahead of municipal elections on Sunday. Many of them say they've been inspired by similar protests across the Arab world.
Protesters have been camping out in the capital's main square for days. Volunteers set up food and medical tents, adorned with homemade revolution posters. Someone pinned an Egyptian flag up overhead.
But this is not Egypt, it is Spain. Educated but unemployed youth who are frustrated by the poor economy and perceived government corruption have taken over Madrid's main square, Puerta del Sol - inspired by similar youth uprisings across the Middle East.
Pedro Escol, an unemployed scientist with a PhD, surveys the scene around him - piles of sleeping bags, revolution banners and angry youth.
"This situation in the square reminds me of Tahrir Square in Egypt," said Escol. "We are brothers with them. We are brothers. We have the same problems."
Escol says he's frustrated. He has a good education, but can't find work. He thinks politicians here are corrupt. And he says he was inspired by what young Egyptians did back in February. They took over a public square for days, calling for change. And it worked.
"Now I understand, that to take a square like [a] symbol is a very good way to force the government to talk about it, because the square is from the citizens. It's our square."
What started as spontaneous gatherings in Tunisia, and then Egypt, have now formed a blueprint for protests elsewhere - even in Europe. Calls have spread on Facebook for similar rallies among Spaniards living in Germany, the UK and Italy.
James Denselow, a Middle East expert at King's College in London, says protesters in Europe are copying some of the same tactics used in Cairo's Tahrir Square - exercising rights Europeans have had for decades.
"In European countries you've had free legitimate protests as an often constitutionally-protected right for decades, whereas in the Middle East this is incredibly new, which is a reason why it's proving so infectious partly," said Denselow. "I think there's a feedback loop in the sense that European countries are using lots of the same methods and tactics as groups in the Middle East, no better so than online social networking and Internet tools to organize."
Denselow says that while their political circumstances have been drastically different, with dictatorships in the Middle East and democracies in Europe, some of the economic conditions for youth in both regions are remarkably similar. Some Mideast regimes have fallen, and European governments have had their own stumbles.
"These are educated young professionals who are finding a workplace that is not accommodating them, whether it's in terms of people with degrees or people struggling to pay for their degrees," Denselow added. "There's been a government brought down in Greece and replaced quite quickly by another unpopular government, and problems in Ireland too. Each country has its own unique characteristics that reflects a reaction to those protests."
In downtown Madrid, Angela Cartagena is a volunteer on the protesters' quite savvy media outreach team, giving reporters tours of the protest camp. She says organizers learned lessons from the supply lines and that sustained Egyptian protesters in Cairo last winter.
"We have a legal commission, a communication one which I belong to, an infrastructure sub-commission also inside," said Cartagena. "We have a cleaning committee, which I think is very important. They're doing a great job, they're taking care all the time, cleaning the square, everything."
Cartagena says demonstrators are even calling for a Spanish "revolution."
"It depends on your concept of revolution," Cartagena noted. "This is a kind of democratic revolution, in a sense. Of course it's not a revolution like in the Middle East, the situation is completely different. But we are also trying to make a new democracy. They are trying to get [their first] democracy, and we are trying to get a new one - a different one, a better one."
Spanish protesters are angry about government austerity measures and high unemployment, and their voices are directed at all Spanish politicians, not only those currently in power. But local and regional elections are being held Sunday, and polls predict losses for the ruling Socialist Party. The next general election for parliament, however, is scheduled to be held by next March.
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In Thailand, thousands of anti-government protesters have gathered in Bangkok to mark one year since a deadly military crackdown ended their two-month demonstration. The protesters are calling for justice for the 91 people killed in Thailand's worst street clashes in decades.
Thailand's Red Shirt protesters on Thursday were back occupying the upscale commercial district they took over a year ago.
But, unlike those demonstrations that lasted from March to May, the thousands of red- dressed protesters say they will only stay one day.
Last year protesters were calling for a new election and equal treatment for their leaders. But after weeks of protests in central Bangkok, the military moved in to end the demonstrations and fought pitched battles with armed elements supporting the Red Shirts.
Wichien, 30, is an engineer from Bangkok. He says he was among those protesters who took refuge in a Buddhist temple to escape the fighting. He says he witnessed soldiers firing their guns into the temple, killing several unarmed civilians.
He says the killers should be arrested and sent to jail so the 91 people who were killed will not have died for nothing. But as of now, he says, no killers have been arrested.
Several of those who died were members of the security forces, and some victims over the two months of protests died in explosions police said were the work of the Red Shirts.
The Thai government says it is investigating the deaths and will punish those found responsible. But rights groups say authorities trying to investigate the matter are meeting resistance from the military.
This month Human Rights Watch reported that despite evidence that soldiers in some cases targeted civilians, and fired indiscriminately on crowds, none have been charged.
Hundreds of Red Shirt protesters were arrested following the crackdown. Most were released because of a lack of evidence. But more than 100 Red Shirt members remain in jail, and some face terrorism charges for their role in the protest.
Thursday's rally comes ahead of planned July 3rd nationwide elections that are expected to be closely contested between the Puea Thai Party, which is supported by the Red Shirts, and the ruling Democrat Party.
The Puea Thai Party is backed by former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who despite being twice popularly elected, was ousted in a 2006 military coup. He has lived in exile since a Thai court found him guilty of corruption charges in 2008.
Thaksin and his supporters maintain that traditional elites in Bangkok backed by the military have long conspired against them.
Successive governments aligned with Thaksin were removed by controversial court orders that cleared the way for Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's Democrats to take power.
This week Thaksin's younger sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, was appointed Puea Thai's leading candidate for prime minister.
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The United States and China held their highest-level military talks in seven years this week in Washington, during the visit of the chief of staff of the People's Liberation Army, General Chen Bingde. While military ties between the two countries have long lagged behind stronger relations in business and other areas, and pointed differences of view remain, the two sides say the frank talks have helped build understanding.
Getting military-to-military ties more in tune with each other's views and interests was one of the main objectives of talks and exchanges this week between the U.S. and China. In addition to a joint performance by the two countries' bands, there were in-depth discussions between General Chen and his U.S. counterpart, Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
"I think the opportunity that is presented by virtue of us meeting and having these discussions is to validate our assumptions about each other," he said.
The threat that China's growing military might poses to the United States and other countries in the Asia-Pacific region is one big concern, and an area where assumptions differ.
General Chen dismissed such concerns at a news conference at the Pentagon Wednesday. He said a 20-year gap exists between the U.S. and Chinese militaries.
"Through my visits in the United States over the past couple days, I have been surprised by the sophistication of the U.S. military and its weapons and doctrines and so on," he said. "I can tell you that China does not have the capability to challenge the United States."
U.S. arms sales to Taiwan are a key issue of contention that General Chen raised, as well as the need for the U.S. to respect what China calls its "core interests."
China regards the self-ruled island as part of its own territory, and Chen repeated at the news conference that China would use force, if necessary, to ensure that the two unify.
However, General Chen said the fruits of these talks far outweigh the challenges.
"As I see it, cooperation is the mainstream between our two countries and two militaries," said General Chen. "We share a broad consensus on some major issues. Certainly we disagree on some other issues."
China froze military ties for most of 2010 after the United States approved a $6.4 billion arms deal with Taiwan. But in January of this year, Defense Secretary Robert Gates visited China, and relations appear to be on the mend.
Still, the United States is reviewing a proposed deal to sell Taiwan advanced F-16 fighter jets. General Chen said that if the deal is approved, it will definitely have an impact on U.S. China relations.
Admiral Mullen says Chen invited him to visit China during their talks and that he plans to do so in the near future. During their talks, the two sides agreed to hold a disaster and humanitarian relief exercise next year as well as boost maritime cooperation including holding a counter-piracy exercise.
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The operators of Japan's crippled Fukushima nuclear plant have released a new series of photographs showing the tsunami that washed over the plant on March 11, creating a nuclear crisis that will take months to resolve.
The photos were released Thursday on the website of the plant's operators, the Tokyo Electric Power Company.
The first photos show the massive surge of water beginning to breach the tsunami barrier offshore from the plant on Japan's northeast coast, then pouring over the barrier until it disappears under the white foam.
In later pictures, the water washed up to a nearby road, inundating some of the plant's buildings and leaving several cars bobbing in the water.
This text of his speech, "A Moment of Opportunity," was released by the White House as prepared for delivery:
I want to thank Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark - one million frequent flyer miles. I count on Hillary every day, and I believe that she will go down as of the finest Secretaries of State in our nation's history.
The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change take place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square; town by town; country by country; the people have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security; history and faith.
Today, I would like to talk about this change - the forces that are driving it, and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security. Already, we have done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, we have removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan, we have broken the Taliban's momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al-Qaida a huge blow by killing its leader - Osama bin Laden.
Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate - an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy - not what he could build.
Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al-Qaida was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al-Qaida's agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands.
That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. It is the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world - the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity. Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaint, this young man who had never been particularly active in politics went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire.
Sometimes, in the course of history, the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has built up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor's act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home - day after day, week after week, until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power.
The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of the few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn - no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader.
This lack of self determination - the chance to make of your life what you will - has applied to the region's economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge and innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe.
In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people's grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else.
But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and diversion won't work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world - a world of astonishing progress in places like India, Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. A new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied.
In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, "It's like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time."
In Sana'a, we heard the students who chanted, "The night must come to an end."
In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, "Our words are free now. It's a feeling you can't explain."
In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, "After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity."
Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of non-violence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades.
Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age - a time of 24-hour news cycles, and constant communication - people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days, and bad days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we have seen, calls for change may give way to fierce contests for power.
The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce, and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel's security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.
We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that America's interests are not hostile to peoples' hopes; they are essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al-Qaida's brutal attacks. People everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners.
Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our own interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways - as Americans have been seared by hostage taking, violent rhetoric, and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens - a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and Muslim communities.
That's why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then - and I believe now - that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder.
So we face an historic opportunity. We have embraced the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be.
As we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. It is not America that put people into the streets of Tunis and Cairo - it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and must determine their outcome. Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short term interests do not align perfectly with our long term vision of the region. But we can - and will - speak out for a set of core principles - principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months:
The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region.
We support a set of universal rights. Those rights include free speech; the freedom of peaceful assembly; freedom of religion; equality for men and women under the rule of law; and the right to choose your own leaders - whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus; Sanaa or Tehran.
And finally, we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region.
Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest- today I am making it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal.
Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy.
That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high, as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab world's largest nation. Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections; a vibrant civil society; accountable and effective democratic institutions; and responsible regional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place.
Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have been answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Moammar Gadhafi launched a war against his people, promising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to impose regime change by force - no matter how well-intended it may be.
But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people's call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed. The message would have been clear: keep power by killing as many people as it takes. Now, time is working against Gadhafi. He does not have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Gadhafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.
While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it is not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime - including sanctions announced yesterday on President [Bashar] Assad and those around him.
The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: he can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests; release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests; allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara'a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and isolated abroad
Thus far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. This speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet suppresses its people at home. Let us remember that the first peaceful protests were in the streets of Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations.
Our opposition to Iran's intolerance - as well as its illicit nuclear program, and its sponsorship of terror - is well known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for change consistent with the principles that I have outlined today. That is true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer power. And that is true, today, in Bahrain.
Bahrain is a long-standing partner, and we are committed to its security. We recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law. Nevertheless, we have insisted publically and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain's citizens, and will not make legitimate calls for reform go away. The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can't have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail. The government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis.
Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian democracy. There, the Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence for a democratic process, even as they have taken full responsibility for their own security. Like all new democracies, they will face setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peaceful progress. As they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner.
So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region. Even as we acknowledge that each country is different, we will need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is simple: if you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United States. We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people who will shape the future - particularly young people.
We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo - to build networks of entrepreneurs, and expand exchanges in education; to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat disease. Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology to connect with - and listen to - the voices of the people.
In fact, real reform will not come at the ballot box alone. Through our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access information. We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard - whether it's a big news organization or a blogger. In the 21st century, information is power; the truth cannot be hidden; and the legitimacy of governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens.
Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with our worldview. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them. We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy. What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion - not consent. Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and respect for the rights of minorities.
Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, "Muslims, Christians, we are one." America will work to see that this spirit prevails - that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in Bahrain.
What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows that countries are more prosperous and peaceful when women are empowered. That is why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men - by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices heard, and to run for office. For the region will never reach its potential when more than half its population is prevented from achieving their potential.
Even as we promote political reform and human rights in the region, our efforts cannot stop there. So the second way that we must support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that transition to democracy.
After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family. Too many in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, and perhaps the hope that their luck will change. Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from them.
The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. In the recent protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move the world. It's no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for Google. That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street. Just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity.
Drawing from what we've learned around the world, we think it's important to focus on trade, not just aid; and investment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to openness; the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young. America's support for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability; promoting reform; and integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy - starting with Tunisia and Egypt.
First, we have asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week's G-8 summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we must help them recover from the disruption of their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected later this year. And we are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term financial needs.
Second, we do not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen.
Third, we are working with Congress to create enterprise funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt. These will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will soon launch a $2 billion facility to support private investment across the region. And we will work with allies to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe.
Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. If you take out oil exports, this region of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland. So we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement. Just as EU membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa.
Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress - the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest efforts anti-corruption; by working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who use technology to hold government accountable.
Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace.
For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region. For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their children could get blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them. For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own. Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security, prosperity, and empowerment to ordinary people.
My administration has worked with the parties and the international community for over two years to end this conflict, yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settlement activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks. The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on for decades, and sees a stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward.
I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever.
For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won't create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of Israel to exist.
As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values. Our commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international forums. But precisely because of our friendship, it is important that we tell the truth: the status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace.
The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River. Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself. A region undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of people - not just a few leaders - must believe peace is possible. The international community is tired of an endless process that never produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation.
Ultimately, it is up to Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them, nor can endless delay make the problem go away. But what America and the international community can do is state frankly what everyone knows: a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples. Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people; each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.
So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine and a secure Israel. The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself - by itself - against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism; to stop the infiltration of weapons; and to provide effective border security. The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state. The duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated.
These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met. I know that these steps alone will not resolve this conflict. Two wrenching and emotional issues remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees. But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of Israelis and Palestinians.
Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel - how can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist. In the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse.
I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it has hardened. But I'm convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones. He said, "I gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face of the conflict." And we see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. "I have the right to feel angry," he said. "So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I shall not hate. … Let us hope," he said, "for tomorrow."
That is the choice that must be made - not simply in this conflict, but across the entire region - a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past, and the promise of the future. It's a choice that must be made by leaders and by people, and it's a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife.
For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful. In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests. In Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting, 'peaceful,' 'peaceful.' In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known. Across the region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying lose the grip of an iron fist.
For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a painful civil war that extended freedom and dignity to those who were enslaved. And I would not be standing here today unless past generations turned to the moral force of non-violence as a way to perfect our union - organizing, marching, and protesting peacefully together to make real those words that declared our nation: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
Those words must guide our response to the change that is transforming the Middle East and North Africa - words which tell us that repression will fail, that tyrants will fall, and that every man and woman is endowed with certain inalienable rights. It will not be easy. There is no straight line to progress, and hardship always accompanies a season of hope. But the United States of America was founded on the belief that people should govern themselves. Now, we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching for their rights, knowing that their success will bring about a world that is more peaceful, more stable, and more just.
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In India, impressive victories scored by two women in regional elections have increased the number of women in the top rungs of politics. But women's political empowerment is only making slow progress in a country where they occupy a tiny number of seats in parliament and state legislatures.
When results from regional elections were announced recently, the spotlight was on two women who routed their rivals. Mamata Banerjee ended 34 years of rule by communist parties to take control of West Bengal. In Tamil Nadu in the south, J. Jayalalitha, staged a comeback by ousting a regional rival.
Along with two women chief ministers who head Delhi and Uttar Pradesh states, women now govern more Indians than ever before, says independent political analyst Mahesh Rangarajan.
"At this moment, if you look at how many Indians live in states which have women chief ministers, it is a little less than one in three," noted Rangarajan. "Something like 30 percent of the people in India are living in a state or territory where the head of government is a woman. That is probably unusual."
The four chief ministers now in power are not the only women in the top rungs of government. The head of the ruling Congress Party, Sonia Gandhi, is India's most powerful politician. The president, parliament speaker and the opposition leader are all women.
But analysts say the sprinkling of women at the top does not mean that women have gained significantly greater influence in politics. Women account for a little more than 10 percent of parliament and even smaller ratios in state assemblies, lagging behind neighboring countries like Pakistan and Nepal.
Ranjana Kumari heads the Center for Social Research in New Delhi and has been at the forefront of a campaign to reserve one-third of seats in parliament and state legislatures for women. Activists like Kumari hope that the Women's Reservation Bill will finally be passed this year, after facing a 14-year-deadlock because of stormy opposition from some regional parties.
"It is at the apex and the national level leadership that women are not getting any positions," Kumari noted. "It is a huge contradiction also, because you do see five major parties being headed by women, major, major states in the country are now seeing women as chief ministers. So, when it comes to top level leadership they are acceptable, but when it comes to really women sharing power, sitting with men in parliament and also state assemblies, men do not want to vacate more seats. It is an important time now when we will see such a process is started."
Political analysts point to some positive features of women's political empowerment. In the past, most women politicians belonged to powerful political families. Some, like Sonia Gandhi, wife of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, still do. But others are making it on their own accord.
For example, Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal founded her own party, the Trinamool Congress, and made it a political force to reckon with. In Uttar Pradesh state, Mayawati (one name only), has emerged as a powerful lower caste leader in her own right. They are regarded as tough leaders who have carved out their own identities.
Political analyst Mahesh Rangarajan says a strong family connection is no longer necessary for women.
"It is not that it is somebody's wife, sister, daughter or even daughter-in-law. Perhaps that is something one should sit up and take notice of. It is not a clan network that has put these women in charge. These are self-made women who have often overcome enormous adversity and managed to come to power," Rangarajan explained.
Activists hope that more political space for women will improve the position of women in a society where they face widespread discrimination and where sex selective abortions are blamed for declining ratio of girls to boys.
But observers say there is no evidence the women who have ruled states have made any impact on the social status of women. They say that, even in their own governments, there has been no effort to increase the number of women.
Professor Zoya Hasan teaches politics at New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University.
"Most of these women are anxious not be seen as representing women, or being friendly to women, or be doing things for women. Most of these women chief ministers just want to be seen as chief ministers. Period," Hasan noted.
Like other politicians, many women leaders have also been touched by controversy. Jayalalitha has faced allegations of corruption. Delhi's chief minister, Sheila Dikshit, has been blamed for not preventing massive corruption in the organization of last year's Commonwealth Games.
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Opposition leader Kizza Besigye has been placed under house arrest by Ugandan police in their latest efforts to quell the "walk to work" protests.
In their sixth week in Uganda, security forces are trying nip the demonstrations in the bud by keeping former presidential candidate and opposition figure Besigye from leaving his house.
Early Thursday, as he was leaving his house on Kampala's outskirts, Besigye was approached by police and told to return. Uganda Police Deputy Spokesman Vincent Sekate said the marches represented a threat to the peace and security of average Ugandans.
"When he got out, he was approached by some police officers. As a preventive measure, they asked him, because of what has been happening and the consequences of the campaign, because we have seen property being damaged, various offenses being committed and all that," said Sekate. "So he was given two options: one, to either go back in his house or proceed with the policemen to the police station. So he opted to go back to his house."
Sekate said Besigye would be allowed to leave the house "when the situation has normalized," but did not specify further.
Ugandans have been demonstrating against rising food and fuel prices since the first march on April 11. State response to the protests has been harsh; hundreds have been arrested and injured by police trying to quiet the crowds, and at least five people have been killed. Besigye received multiple injuries, including a broken hand and severe chemical burns on his eyes, requiring treatment in Kenya.
It appears Besigye had not committed a crime before he was confined to his house, but Sekate says his detention is legal under Ugandan law.
"In our criminal procedure code act, there is section 26, which talks of arrest as a preventive measure," he said. "So the moment any police officer suspects that any offense might be committed as a result, he can arrest such a person to prevent the other crime from being committed."
Amnesty International Representative Godfrey Odongo says such an interpretation is dangerous, however, in the context of Besigye.
"What will happen, it seems, is that every Monday and Thursday, Kizza Besigye might not be able to leave his home for the next few weeks and that would be unacceptable," he said. Neither Besigye nor his representatives could be reached for comment.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has grown increasingly hostile to the demonstrations. He has encouraged the passage of a law that would deny bail for those jailed in the protests. On Tuesday, Museveni published a letter in the state-owned New Vision newspaper that called the protesters "drug-users" and said that media, including NTV, The Daily Monitor, al Jazeera and the BBC, which "cheer on" the demonstrations, would be treated as enemies of Uganda.
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